문화사(민족주의계열,친일파,사회주의계열)

목차

□ 서 론 * * * 머 리 말

□ 본 론

Ⅰ. 민 족 주 의 계 열

1. 최 익 현 5. 송 내 호
2. 김 가 진 6. 이 극 로
3. 홍 종 우 7. 박 용 만
4. 이 은 찬 8. 강 기 동

Ⅱ. 친 일 파

1. 조 중 응 6. 김 종 한
2. 민 원 식 7. 윤 치 호
3. 이 광 수 8. 우 범 선
4. 장 직 상 9. 이 하 영
5. 정 란 교 10. 김 홍 륙

Ⅲ. 사 회 주 의 계 열

1. 김 단 야 3. 황 태 성
2. 박 헌 영


□ 결 론 * * * 맺 음 말

본문내용

Serbian politics were clear as early as 1805 when Karageorge clashed with his Council. Under Milos Obrenovic, the same question remained: who spoke for the nation?
Between 1815 and 1869, Serbian politics involved repeated tests of strength between the ruling princes and various manifestations of a "Constitutionalist" party, as jealous notables tried to gain power by revising the constitution. In place of tyrrany, the notables offered oligarchy. The mass of peasants were unrepresented, or consulted as a national assembly only when one side or the other needed a rubber stamp for its own wishes.
In 1835 Milos granted the first real constitution. An upper chamber called Council or Senate gained legislative and administrative power, but all its served at the pleasure of the prince. A lower chamber called the Assembly had no real powers.
This document did not appease Milos' rivals. In 1838 Milos was on bad terms with the Russians, who therefore helped secure a new Serbian Constitution from the Ottoman sultan, as an "Organic Statute" for a province that was still nominally Turkish.
Under this 1838 Constitution, the powers of the Council grew to suit the "Constitutionalist" notables. Council members would serve for life and could not be removed by the prince. The state ministries were responsible to the Council, not the prince. The Assembly disappeared, so that the prince could not use it against the council. When a military mutiny failed to cow his enemies, Milos abdicated and left the country. His heir, Milan, was only 17 and deathly ill, so the Council took control of the state as a Regency. When Milan died, he was succeeded by his 16-year old brother Michael. After another abortive coup, Michael too left Serbia in 1842, and the anti-Obrenovic notables completed their triumph by selecting Alexander Karageorgevic, Karageorge's son, as prince. The Council remained the true power.
One can read in the transition from the Obrenovic to the Karageorgevic dynasty another measure of national maturity. National identity and national political interest were now distinct from the identity of the ruling prince and his family. Certainly the oligarchy was not a democracy, but on the other hand it was a far cry from the image of the prince as a "Christian pasha." The rest of the century (as we will see in Lecture 13), brought an even wider expansion of political participation in Serbia and a politics that can only be called nationalistic, for better or for worse.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
This lecture is a portion of a larger Web site, Twenty-Five Lectures on Modern Balkan History (The Balkans in the Age of Nationalism); click here to return to the Table of Contents page.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
This page created May 24, 1996; last modified 3 November 1998.
URL=http://www.lib.msu.edu/sowards/balkan/lecture5.html
Copyright 1996 by Steven W. Sowards

키워드

민족주의,   최익현,   김가진,   홍종우